By Michelle Yu
Epoch Times Staff
Epoch Times Staff
Some key figures of the Bloody-Hands Faction, the officials that former CCP head Jiang Zemin promoted to implement his persecution of Falun Gong. Top left: Zhou Yongkang, head of the Chinese regime’s public security, recently stripped of his authority and put under investigation (Liu Jin/AFP/Getty Images). Top right: Bo Xilai, former Chongqing Party secretary, soon to be tried for corruption (Lintao Zhang/Getty Images). Bottom left: Li Changchun, propaganda chief (Feng Li/Getty Images). Bottom right: Jiang Zemin, former Chinese leader, originator of the bloody-hands faction (Minoru Iwasaki-Pool/Getty Images).
A George Mason University scholar accurately predicted every turn and twist in China’s political storm of the last four months, and says there’s more to come.
To many China experts, both native and foreign, the current political turmoil surrounding the Bo Xilai scandal is extremely mysterious and bewildering. But Zhang Tianliang, an adjunct professor at George Mason University, presciently predicted every detail of it.
In April, Zhang summarized his “20 Prophecies” for China’s political future on his blog, which were also posted on The Epoch Times’ Chinese language site.
On Feb. 8, shortly after former Chongqing police chief Wang Lijun’s attempted defection was first revealed, Zhang wrote in his blog, “I wouldn’t be surprised if Bo [Xilai] loses his political career, or even goes to jail [over the attempted defection of his right-hand man].”
At that time most other commentators were guessing whether the incident would lower Bo’s chances for getting elected into the nine-member Politburo Standing Committee.
On Feb. 13, Zhang said he believed that Wang Lijun submitted evidence to the U.S. consulate that Zhou Yongkang and Bo Xilai had planned a coup d’etat. This was later confirmed by a U.S. official to the Washington Free Beacon.
In his next blog, posted 10 hours later, Zhang predicted that there would be consequences for Zhou Yongkang. In another post on Feb. 15 he said Zhou would lose power and face an investigation, instead of having a smooth retirement like many others predicted.
When Bo Xilai showed up at the National Congress and spoke about the Wang Lijun incident with apparent confidence at a March 9 press conference, Zhang said that, contrary to popular belief, Bo’s crisis was not over.
“Bo’s press conference doesn’t mean he’s already safe,” Zhang said. “His routine schedule has not yet been disrupted, as is evident from his meeting with Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper [on Feb. 11]. Until the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) makes the final decision, they always make things look normal.”
Zhang also pointed out that Bo’s speech was an invitation for a counterattack from his antagonists.
In his next blog Zhang further predicted that Hu Jintao would fight back very quickly.
On the evening of March 14, Zhang published a blog saying the Hu-Wen government had decided against Bo, and that the Jiang Zemin and Zhou Yongkang faction would sacrifice Bo to protect itself.
Only five hours later, the CCP mouthpiece Xinhua announced Bo’s dismissal from all his Chongqing official positions.
Later Zhang also correctly predicted Bo’s vengeful betrayal of Zhou Yongkang and the effect this would have on Zhou and many other officials.
Zhang said he had no insider information, but based his predictions on his understanding of China’s political system and the mentality of its political leaders. Zhang said he and his colleagues at The Epoch Times and New Tang Dynasty Television were able to have such foresight because they use the persecution of Falun Gong as the primary parameter in their predictions.
(Jeff Nenarella/The Epoch Times)
Many China experts mistakenly ignore the Falun Gong issue and its weight in China’s development over the past decade, Zhang said.
“Not reflecting on why the CCP started the persecution of Falun Gong, not reflecting on why they failed to eradicate Falun Gong, and not treating Falun Gong—the CCP’s greatest fear—as an important factor in the analysis of Chinese politics , is, in my opinion, a great mistake,” Zhang said.
According to Zhang, Falun Gong’s response to persecution is very unique in many ways. “In the CCP’s history, it never took the Party more than three days to beat down and defame a target, even if it was the nation’s chairman or some prominent general. But Falun Gong is different,” Zhang said.
Falun Gong’s resistance is remarkable for being long-lasting, large scale, and peaceful, Zhang went on to say. Falun Gong practitioners have sacrificed almost everything to hold on to their belief and to reveal the facts of the persecution.
“Not only do they risk being tortured and losing their freedom inside China, but practitioners overseas have given up personal enjoyment and are spending most of their time promoting awareness, creating media programs, suing those responsible for the persecution, and developing software to break through China’s firewall,” Zhang said.
To continue the persecution and block the facts from spreading further, Jiang and his faction have restructured the CCP’s state apparatus to revolve around the persecution, instead of around the economic development that Deng Xiaoping laid down as China’s priority, Zhang said.
Furthermore, the CCP has spent over a quarter of China’s GDP on the persecution and on tasks such as reinforcing the firewall, and lobbying foreign politicians and judicial systems to slant legal challenges brought forward by Falun Gong practitioners towards the CCP’s advantage. Such lobbying is often accompanied by significant trade compromises, Zhang said.
On the political front, the Jiang faction not only established the “610” office, an extra-judicial organ with supreme power to supervise the persecution, but also took pains to limit Hu and Wen’s power since they do not support the persecution, Zhang said.
The existence of the “610” office, which is free from oversight or restriction, has undermined China’s legal system and contributed greatly to the deterioration of China’s human rights and social justice, he said.
Zhang explained that the Jiang faction is anxious to seize power in order to ensure that the anti-Falun Gong policy will not be changed, and that those responsible will not be brought to justice.
For this reason, Zhang said, the Jiang faction chose Bo Xilai as their successor, since Bo aggressively carried out the persecution and has much blood on his hands. Knowing this, made it easy to predict that Zhou Yongkang would give Bo his full support until he himself sank too deeply into the mire.
According to Zhang, Zhou Yongkang’s career will not end any better than Bo’s, and this will become apparent before the CCP’s 18th National Congress this fall.
When Chongqing’s former top cop, Wang Lijun, fled for his life to the U.S. Consulate in Chengdu on Feb. 6, he set in motion a political storm that has not subsided. The battle behind the scenes turns on what stance officials take toward the persecution of Falun Gong. The faction with bloody hands–the officials former CCP head Jiang Zemin promoted in order to carry out the persecution–is seeking to avoid accountability for their crimes and to continue the campaign. Other officials are refusing any longer to participate in the persecution. Events present a clear choice to the officials and citizens of China, as well as people around the world: either support or oppose the persecution of Falun Gong. History will record the choice each person makes.
Read the original Chinese article.
From - http://www.theepochtimes.com/n2/opinion/peering-into-chinas-political-future-part-1-247082-all.html
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